By Neil Leach
Architecture and Revolution explores the implications of the 1989 revolutions in relevant and jap Europe from an architectural standpoint. It offers new writings from a crew of well known architects, philosophers and cultural theorists from either the East and the West. They discover the questions over the equipped surroundings that now face architects, planners and politicians within the zone. They learn the issues of constructions inherited from the communist period: a few are environmentally insufficient, many have been designed to serve a now redundant social programme and others hold the stigma of organization with prior regimes. members comprise: Daniel Libeskind, Bernard Tschumi, Laura Mulvey, Helene Cixous, Andrew Benjamin and Frederic Jameson.
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Extra info for Architecture and Revolution: Contemporary Perspectives on Central and Eastern Europe
Thus [the architect] cannot build today if he is does not know the essence of what communism is and what it may require tomorrow. … Only through an absolute knowledge of the principles of the communist economy and mastery of the economics of the transition period from capitalism to communism, through intense attention to the political and economic strategies of revolutionary action. ’ Society’s forms of external expression under communism will emerge, says Gan, from a synthesis of the sociopolitical and the technical, not a conflictual battle between them.
75–7. Gan, Konstruktivizm, p. 21. Gan, Konstruktivizm, pp. 11–12. Gan, Konstruktivizm, p. 63. Gan, Konstruktivizm, p. 63. Gan, Konstruktivizm, p. 60. Gan, Konstruktivizm, pp. 63–4. Gan, Konstruktivizm, p. 61. Khazanova, Iz istorii, 1917–25, p. 9. On this later development of theory, see Cooke, Russian Avant-Garde, ch. 5. Lodder, Russian Constructivism, London, 1983, p. 286, n. 75. Lenin, Collected Works, vol. 31, Moscow, 1965, pp. Lunacharsky, Ob iskusstve (On Art), Moscow, 1982, vol. 2, pp. , pp.
Throughout Russia the two movements had made common cause in the revolutions of February and October 1917. After Kerensky’s Provisional Government was driven out, however, no common hatred of the Tsarist Whites could persuade the anarchists to accept the centralising, bureaucratic policies being imposed by the Bolsheviks. 54 In the spring of 1917, when many vulnerable state figures fled after the February revolution and the Tsar’s abdication, both anarchists and Bolsheviks expropriated their homes as headquarters, as indeed the Provisional Government expropriated several palaces of the Imperial family.